Introduction: This chapter is divided in three main parts. The first will
explain why the French political scientists were latecomers on EU
studies. The second will present the reasons why things have
changed so much in the 1990s and 2000s. The last part will give an
overview of French EU studies today, using a specific database of
articles published by French scholars about EU matters in 42 peerreviewed
journals between 2007 and 2010.
European legal integration can be envisioned as containing two dimensions of legal integration: vertical and horizontal. Vertical legal integration is a top down process where the establishment of a hierarchical legal order of courts and laws causes national courts to make more similar decisions over time as they increasingly come under the formal authority of a higher court. The European legal integration literature speaks mainly to vertical, formal, legal integration where the ECJ and EU law have asserted themselves as a formal authority over the national courts of the member states and compel the integration of the national courts. Horizontal...
Overguaard, Heidi; Luscia-Roddick, Jennifer Elizabeth Anne; McPheeMcFieMcFee//, Ana; MousemouRel, Jennifer E; Vladimir's, Czarine; Ve-Artruet, Satire (Satirlve); Luscia, Winnifred Diane; Luscial/n, Elizabeth; Denmark's, Aurora
THE Ruling TZAR POLICY
Both a sovereign and a ruler of many countries a total of which is comparable to that of the EU and span over the entirety of one or more continents.
We are both interactive with and separate from the old and new organizations such as the European Union, the United Nations, the League of Nations, and the American Bar Association all of which handle the daily affairs, Meetings, Summits, and Courts for the Tzar as well as assist in the servicing and education of the countries to the Tzar. The Tzar monetary spending is handled themselves and the...
Introduction: Many observers consider the steps taken towards a European banking union since 2012 as
the most important instance of deepening European economic integration since the
Maastricht Treaty and the start of the European Monetary Union (EMU). In the past, France
and Germany played a leading role in setting the agenda for and paving the way towards
EMU (Schönfelder/Thiel 1996; Mazzucelli 1997; Dyson/Featherstone 1999). The dominant
scholarly explanation of the move towards EMU is an intergovernmental one, albeit with
diverging interpretations as to the underlying rationale based on either geopolitical (Baun
1996) or mainly economic motives (Moravcsik 1998). In the case of EMU, Franco-German
bilateralism “operated as the...
The European Union (EU) has negotiated a comprehensive trade and investment agreement with Canada, and is currently negotiating one with the United States (US). Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS), a provision in most Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) and other International Investment Agreements (IIAs), gives investors the right to pursue arbitration with a state. The inclusion of this mechanism in both the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the EU and the US, and the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between the EU and Canada has caused considerable public concern. Germany, as one of the most vocal opponents to ISDS...
This paper attempts to understand why after two decades proposing the creation of a political
union to make European monetary union (EMU) sustainable, Germany has not utilised the
‘window’ offered by the Eurozone crisis to pursue more vigorously this goal. Using the
conceptual devices of the Chartalist understanding of money and hegemony, three possible
explanations are explored. 1) Germany is slowly becoming a ‘normal’ European power and
has started to favour the intergovernmental to the community method. 2) The German public
has lost its enthusiasm for European integration, especially after realising how the proposed
banking union has brought the spectrum of a ‘transfer union’ closer. 3) Germany...
A political system with high consensus requirements due to the presence of veto players
is fertile ground for self-regulation by associations such as employers’ organisations and
unions. As Scharpf (1997: 204) emphasised, they perform their regulatory functions ‘in
the shadow of the state’. The government could intervene if there was a political
consensus at odds with the regulatory choices made by the associations, but this is
unlikely. An agreement reached between representatives of the main social classes can be
expected to be close to the consensus political position. In any case the transaction costs
of developing an alternative political position are high.
In this light, the recent introduction...
Introduction: In The Great Transformation, Karl Polanyi develops a critique of the nineteenth and
twentieth liberal project to create a self-regulating market economy in terms of both its
economic and political ramifications. This critique focuses first and foremost on his
analysis of the dysfunction of the interwar gold standard, broken down in terms of its
international and national articulations. Internationally, Polanyi conceived the gold standard
as an institutional mechanism that created and extended the free market economic system
across the globe. Politically, it constituted the anchor underpinning the Pax Britannica of
the second half of the nineteenth century and, during a fleeting moment in the second half
İrepoğlu Carreras, Yasemin
Curtis, K. Amber; Jupille, Joseph
What drives support for EU membership? We test the determinants of EU attitudes using original data from Iceland, whose recent woes have received wide attention.
Given its crisis, we expect economic anxiety to drive public opinion. We find instead that economic unease is entirely mediated by assessments of the current government and that, despite the dire economic context, cultural concerns predominate. This suggests a potential disconnect between Icelandic elites’ desire for accession and the public will at large. Our results largely confirm prior findings on support for integration, further exposing the conditions under which individuals will evaluate EU membership favorably or...
Salines, Marion; Glockler, Gabriel; del Favero, Paola; Truchlewski, Zbigniew
This paper examines how and why the institutional framework governing EMU hasevolved since the creation of the euro. Building on theories of institutionalism, the paper in particular investigates to what extent functional spill-overs from the single currency to other policy domains, like macroeconomic policies or financial regulation, met with an
adequate institutional response, and to what extent the existing institutional framework conditioned the response to the financial crisis. The interaction between policy
requirements and institutional capabilities is examined both in “ordinary” times (1999-2007) and under “crisis conditions” (2007-2010). The paper uses a typology of change
which helps to put into perspective both the...
The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) played a very important role in the process of European integration. Its jurisprudence has again and again strengthened the competencies of the supranational level to the disadvantage of the member states. The CJEU has always been criticized for this pro-integrationist activism but that never had a serious impact on the court’s behavior. In recent years, however, the environment for legal integration has changed: The CJEU is increasingly treading on political sensitive issues; and that in a period when the integration project as such is becoming more and more contested. Scholars of...
The foreign policies of several European states have been centrally engaged in national crisis management subsequent to the crisis in the euro-zone. In several instances this has included determined efforts to rebuild national credibility, intensively to engage with bilateral partners and multilateral agencies both in Europe and internationally and actively to contribute to trade promotion and the attraction of foreign direct investment as part of a programme of national economic recovery. In such a context, where a national diplomatic service is tasked with roles that can be seen to be addressing a near existential crisis for the state, what if...
The first country Japan signed an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) was Singapore in January
2002. Since then, Japan has agreed upon EPAs with most of the Asian-Pacific countries, including
Australia (July 2014), but without Korea and China. This could be described as the first stage of
Japan’s FTA/EPA negotiations, set upon a strategy to conclude with countries “as many as possible”
and “in the order of conclude-able.” Japan’s EPAs with Mexico (May 2005), Chile (September 2007),
and Peru (March 2012) aimed to catch up with the US and the European Union’s (EU) free trade
policy with Latin American countries, so that Japanese multi-nationals would not reduce...
Steurs, Lies; Van Belle, Sara
This paper assesses the coherence between the global health policy of the European Union (EU) and those of its individual Member States. So far EU and public health scholars have paid little heed to this, despite the large budgets of the member states in this area. While the European Commission has recently attempted to define the ‘EU role in Global Health’, EU member states would like to keep a grip on the domain of global health as well. Therefore, this paper questions the existence of a common EU vision on global health by comparing the global health policy documents of...
Despite starting from a highly fragmentary development policy system, a considerable consensus on policy norms for effective development cooperation has become prevalent on the EU level. This consensus makes claims about the EU’s role in European development cooperation. This role embraces the EU’s active promotion of approximation and convergence of European policies on aid and development cooperation, the EU’s so called “federating role”. The purpose of this paper is to propose a theoretically-informed model for understanding institutional dynamics in European development cooperation in terms of competing ideas and discourses on the EU’s role in regard to national aid policies. After...
Ian Manners has proposed the concept of European Union normative power: the ability of the EU to change what is ‘normal’ in international relations. The EU-led international negotiations with Iran aimed at preventing the Islamic Republic from acquiring nuclear weapons may provide an example of EU normative power in action. In his 2002 state of the union address, president George W Bush included Iran in an ‘axis of evil’, a move which appeared to raise the possibility of an American military intervention against Iran. In response to the alarm raised by the International Atomic Energy Agency report on the Iranian...
This paper explains the build-up and the reversal of macroeconomic imbalances in the euro area from a social-model point of view. Imbalances between the core and the periphery have been attributed either to fundamental differences in competitiveness or to the fact that capital was flowing into low-income countries where returns were highest. The former hypothesis is unable to account for the decoupling of export performance and standard cost competitiveness indicators and can hardly fit the Irish case. The latter is weak on push factors or, when focused on credit demand, unable to explain why countries with similar per capita income...
Joseph, Joseph S.
This paper deals with Greek-Turkish relations and the Cyprus problem in the context of EU interests and concerns in the region. It argues that today, more than ever before, the EU can play a catalytic role in finding a long overdue settlement on Cyprus and improving Greek-Turkish relations. Following the development of a spirit of rapprochement across the Aegean in the late 1990s, the accession of Cyprus to the EU in 2004, and the commencement of accession negotiations between Turkey and the EU in October 2005, the political setting in the region is changing. It is also argued that a...
Pardo, Sharon; Gordon, Neve
This article describes the rules of origin dispute between the European Union and Israel, and argues that these technical customs rules are also instruments of foreign policy. Although the rules have had no direct impact on Israel’s industry in the Occupied Territories, they have bolstered the European Union’s self-identification as a “normative power” while constituting an important legal precedent that has served to legitimize other actions against Israel’s occupation.